Overwhelming Palestinian Arab Alignment with Nazi Germany: Ideology and Collaboration in the 1930s and World War II (and beyond)

Overwhelming Palestinian Arab Alignment with Nazi Germany: Ideology and Collaboration in the 1930s and World War II (and beyond)

This entry focuses on historical evidence of Palestinian Arab support for Nazi Germany, as documented in the provided sources. It aims to present a comprehensive overview while adhering to the historical record. URLs are included where available.

Overview

During the 1930s and World War II, significant segments of the Palestinian Arab population, even mainstream, public display, and their leadership expressed sympathy for Nazi Germany, driven by shared anti-Jewish sentiment and opposition to British colonial rule in Mandatory Palestine. This alignment was rooted in ideological affinity with Nazi anti-Semitism, admiration for Adolf Hitler’s regime, and strategic efforts to counter Zionism and British influence. Historical records, including contemporary newspapers, Nazi documents, scholarly works, and post-war admissions, reveal public displays, propaganda, and organizational efforts by Palestinian Arab leaders, particularly under Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, to align with Nazi Germany. While not all Palestinian Arabs supported the Nazis, and some enlisted in the British Army, the dominant sentiment among the leadership and populace leaned heavily toward the Axis powers, especially during periods of Nazi military success.

Background

The Palestinian Arab national movement, led primarily by Haj Amin al-Husseini, emerged in opposition to British mandatory rule and Zionist immigration, spurred by the Balfour Declaration of 1917. However, al-Husseini displayed and aroused anti-Jewish sentiments at least since 1920. By the 1930s, Nazi Germany’s anti-Semitic policies resonated with (the larger) segments of the Palestinian Arab population, who saw Hitler as a potential ally against Jews and the British. This period saw Nazi propaganda proliferate in Palestine, fascist-inspired organizations form, and direct appeals to Nazi Germany for support.

Key Evidence of Sweeping Support for Nazi Germany

Public Displays and Propaganda

Contemporary Observations

  • Emil Ghuri, in his Arab Federation newspaper, wrote on July 7, 1934, “Hitler whom the Arabs admire very much,” reflecting widespread admiration (Palestine Post, July 16, 1934). In 1935, German Consul Walter Doehle reported to Germany that “Arabs admire our Führer” across all social strata (Cohen, 2014). In June 1939, journalist John Gunther wrote, “The Greatest Contemporary Arab Hero is—Adolf Hitler,” noting Hitler’s prominence in Arab public sentiment (Inside Asia, 1939). A 1941 survey by Sari Sakakini found 88% of Palestinian Arabs supported Nazi Germany, with only 9% backing Britain (Morris, 2008). A CIA report from August 1942 described most Palestinian Arabs as radical, harboring anti-Jewish hatred and awaiting Rommel’s advance to act against Jews and seize their property (Herf, 2009; Cohen, 2014). General Charles de Gaulle noted in 1968 that in 1941, Palestinian Jews fought with the Allies, while “the Arabs… were on the other side” (Cohen, 1974). The 200 days of dread since Apr/May 1942 was due to knowledge what the Arabs would do, in case Rommel success in reaching the land. (Mallmam, 2010). CIC: "It is noteworthy that in the darkest moments of 1940-41, a majority of the Arabs ...have supported Hitler on account of his anti-Jewish policy..." (CIIA, 1948)
  • Admissions.:
    In 1967, a Palestinian Arab leader admitted their supporting Hitler was a “big mistake” (Saturday Review, 1970). See admissions by: Shukeiry in 1969, Qaddoumi in 2013.

Leadership and Organizational Efforts

  • Haj Amin al-Husseini’s Role: The Grand Mufti sought German support as early as March 1933 (Cohen, 2014; Steininger, 2018). (Thought he wasn't the only Arab Palestinian to approach the Germans, Falastin's Joseph Francis was sent on behalf of Palestine Arabs as well). During World War II, al-Husseini collaborated with the Nazis in Berlin, broadcasting anti-Jewish propaganda and recruiting Muslim SS units in the Balkans (Alon, 2003; Dalin, 2017). His plans included an Auschwitz-like crematorium in the Dotan Valley (Shragai, 2012; Algemeiner, October 27, 2015). His wartime activities boosted his post-war popularity (Elpeleg, 1993; Said, 1983). In 1942, his supporters expressed “open joy” at Jewish suffering in Europe (Cohen, 2014).
  • Fascist-Inspired Organizations: The Husseinis’ Palestinian Arab Party (1935) included al-Futuwwa, a Hitler Youth-modeled “Nazi Scouts” corps (Rosen, 2005; Becker, 1984). Palestinian students in Germany attempted to form an Arab Nazi Party in 1933 (Black, 2010; Lewis, 1999). The Arab Youth Federation sent telegrams to Hitler in 1935 to block land sales to Jews (JTA, June 9, 1935).
  • Key Figures:
    • Fawzi al-Qawuqji: Participated in the 1941 pro-Nazi Iraq coup, served in the Wehrmacht, broadcast Nazi propaganda, and led the 1948 Arab Liberation Army, vowing to “push the Jews into the sea” (Silver, 2022; Davar, January 5, 1947; Sydney Jewish News, May 2, 1947; Palestine Post, October 6, 1948). In 1947, his volunteers were sworn in with the Nazi salute under the green flag of their Muhammad. (Der Spiegel, 1947).
    • Farhud pogrom (June 1–2, 1941, led by Al-Muthanna's Futuwwa and some policemen), involving widespread looting, burning of Jewish homes and shops, rape (Black, BESA), mutilation, and murder, by some account, up to 1,000 (Basri, ToI, 2021). In the 1930s, strong anti-British sentiment combined with Nazi and fascist propaganda (Wilbur, 2024 [and the influence of figures like Y. al-Sabawi 'Mein Kampf' publisher, then came local radio incitement by Y. Bahri], created fertile ground for radicalization in Iraq. Palestinian Arab educators and activists who fled Palestine after the 1929 riots—Akram Zuaiter (Zu‘aytir) (أكرم زعيتر) and Darwish al-Miqdadi (Julius, JNS, 2019) (درويش مقدادي)—played a significant role. They worked in Iraqi education, shaped pro-Axis and pan-Arab nationalist sentiment, and collaborated with local leaders. Together with the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini --who arrived in Baghdad in 1939 with around 400 Palestinian émigrés (Julius, ToI, 2021)--, they spread anti-Jewish incitement through propaganda, threats, and extortion of funds from Iraqi Jews for Palestinian terrorist activities Also: 'Akram Zueitar, an extremist youth leader, fled from Palestine to avoid arrest. When the Germans occupied Greece, Zueitar turned up there as director of the Axis propaganda in Arabic.'(Youngstown Vindicator, 1945)
    • Jamal Husseini with the Mufti in 1941 pro-Nazi coup. (Nation Associates 1947)
    • Ahmad Shukairy (Shukeiry): Admitted in his 1969 memoir, Arbaʻūn ʻāmman fī al-ḥayāt al-ʻrabīyah wa-al-duwalīyah, that “Our sympathies were with the Axis powers being led by Hitler” (Shuqayrī, 1969; Kedourie, 1974). He wrote that they opposed Arab enlistment in the British Army, celebrated German victories. He justified the Holocaust post-war alongside Jamal Husseini (B’nai B’rith Messenger, July 12, 1946), and praised and promoted the neo-Nazi Tacuara group at the UN in 1962 (New York Times, September 16, 1962; Facts, 1963).
    • Issa Nakhleh: Defended Arab propaganda offfice in Nazi Germany in 1939, glorified the Nazi regime in Argentina in the 1950s and then in New York, and denied the Holocaust (Palestine Post, July 13, 1939; DAIA, 1958; Dalin, 2017) and worked with Neo Nazis for years.
    • Farouk Qaddoumi: In December 2013, the PLO leader admitted Palestinian Arab support for the Nazis, explaining their shared opposition to Zionism (Algemeiner, December 18, 2013).
    • Jamal Husseini: A key leader in the Arab Higher Committee (AHC), Husseini ordered copies of Hitler’s Mein Kampf and the anti-Semitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion in 1933, promoting Nazi ideology (The Sentinel, June 15, 1933). He was sent by the Mufti in 1936 to Berlin, where he met Joseph Goebbels (Karsh, E. The long trail of Palestinian antisemitism. (2025)., Anti-Zionism, Antisemitism, and the Challenge for Israel. (2025)), was involved in the pro-Nazi 1941 Iraq coup alongside the Mufti (Could the Arabs Stage an Armed Revolt Against the United Nations? Memorandum Submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations. (1947). p.12), aiming to bring the Middle East under Axis influence. In 1946, shortly after his release from exile, he rationalized the Holocaust alongside Ahmad Shukairy, claiming “Hitler couldn't be all wrong” (B’nai B’rith Messenger, July 12, 1946). As AHC spokesperson in 1947–1948, he explained Arab opposition to the establishment of a Jewish state, that it would disrupt the Arab world's “homogeneity" of "Arab race” (Herf, 2022; New York Times, September 30, 1947).
    • Hassan Salameh: A guerrilla leader and Mufti associate, Salameh participated in the failed Operation Atlas in 1944, parachuting into Palestine with Nazi commandos to sabotage Jewish targets and incite unrest (Tablet Magazine, April 14, 2021) and per some versions to poison some 250,000. (Isracast). He later commanded the Holy War Army in the 1948 war.

Nazi Propaganda and Arab Sympathy

  • German Reports: Nazi officials noted Arab admiration for Hitler. In 1937, Consul Walter Doehle reported widespread sympathies for “the new Germany and its Führer” (Cohen, 2014). Goebbels noted in 1938 that Arabs revered Hitler “as though he were holy” (Zimmermann, 2022). A Dec-1942 SS report stated Arabs awaited Hitler (Wawrzyn, 2013).

Ideological alignment: hatred 

  • Authors: '... The cult of personality and, in particular, the hatred of Jews, which gave the Third Reich popularity in parts of the Arab world and beyond, the Islamic world, were precisely the most repellent characteristics that made the "new Germany" a model there, setting standards and radiating into the future. Or, to put it another way: Not despite, but because of their virulent antisemitism, Hitler and the Germans gained sympathy among the Muslims of the Near and Middle East. It is therefore thoroughly misguided to speak of an "ideological and strategic incompatibility" between Arab nationalism and National Socialism. Moreover, Muslims from all countries of the greater region, and not least from Palestine, persistently sought an alliance with Nazi Germany, even though playing the Arab card was avoided there for a long time. In any case, a vast, indigenous fertile ground for the National Socialists was already evident in the Near and Middle East even before the outbreak of war.' (Mallmann, Cüppers, 2006).
  • Author: 'But the Arab record vis-a-vis the Nazis was not merely one of passivity. On the contrary, throughout the Arab world, hopes had been placed on Hitler, not only because he was an enemy of the British enemy, but also because the ideology and temperament of Nazism were in many ways attractive the Arabs.' (Arnoni, 1968)

Collaboration and Post-War Continuity

Context and Counterpoints

  • Limited Arab Enlistment: About 9,000 Palestinian and Jordanian Arabs enlisted in the British Army, often incentivized by Jewish payments, but 78% deserted in 1942 to support Rommel (Bouchnik-Chen, 2019; Hurewitz, 1950).
  • British Censorship: British authorities controlled the Arab press during the war, limiting overt pro-Nazi expressions (Kabahā & Caspi, 2011). Still, pro-Nazi sentiments persisted.
  • Jewish Resistance: Palestinian Jews supported the Allies, with 27,000 volunteering for the British Army and aiding Free French forces (Navon, 2020). Right-wing Zionists pulled down swastikas from German consulates (Encyclopaedia Judaica, 1977).

Legacy and Implications

The alignment with Nazi Germany shaped post-war Arab nationalism and anti-Zionist rhetoric. Figures like Shukairy, who called for Israel’s destruction in 1967 (Progress-Index, June 13, 1967), and Nakhleh, who denied the Holocaust (Dalin, 2017), perpetuated anti-Semitic narratives. The 2013 admission by PLO leader Farouk Qaddoumi of Palestinian Arab support for the Nazis underscores the historical ideological overlap with Nazi anti-Semitism, contributing to Arab-Israeli tensions (Algemeiner, December 18, 2013).

References

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